This is the fourth edition of the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy index. It reflects the
situation as of the beginning of December 2011. The first edition, published in The Economist’s The
World in 2007, measured the state of democracy in September 2006; the second edition covered
the situation towards the end of 2008; and the third as of November 2010
The index provides a snapshot of the state of democracy worldwide for 165 independent states and
two territories—this covers almost the entire population of the world and the vast majority of the
world’s independent states (micro states are excluded). The overall Democracy index is based on five
categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functioning of government; political
participation; and political culture. Countries are placed within one of four types of regimes: full
democracies; flawed democracies; hybrid regimes; and authoritarian regimes.
Free and fair elections and civil liberties are necessary conditions for democracy, but they are
unlikely to be sufficient for a full and consolidated democracy if unaccompanied by transparent and
at least minimally efficient government, sufficient political participation and a supportive democratic
political culture. It is not easy to build a sturdy democracy. Even in long-established ones, democracy
can corrode if not nurtured and protected.
Aturbulentyear
2011 was an exceptionally turbulent year politically, characterised by sovereign debt crises and weak
political leadership in the developed world, dramatic change and conflict in the Middle East and North
Africa (MENA) and rising social unrest throughout much of the world. It featured important changes
in democracy, both in the direction of unexpected democratisation and a continuation of decline in
democracy in some parts of the world.
The momentous events in the Arab world have been extraordinary in several respects. The popular
uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt a year ago were sudden and unexpected, occurring in seemingly infertile
territory. These revolts were home-grown affairs that overturned a host of stereotypes about the MENA
region and caught the outside world unaware.
Other key developments in 2011 include:
lPopular confidence in political institutions continues to decline in many countries.
lMounting social unrest could pose a threat to democracy in some countries.
lUS democracy has been adversely affected by a deepening of the polarisation of the political scene
and political brinkmanship and paralysis.
lThe US and the UK remain at the bottom end of the full democracy category. There has been a rise in
protest movement. Problems in the functioning of government are more prominent.
lAlthough extremist political forces in Europe have not yet profited from economic dislocation as
might have been feared, populism and anti-immigrant sentiment are on the rise.
lEastern Europe experienced another decline in democracy in 2011. In 12 countries of the region the
democracy score declined in 2011.
lRampant crime in some countries—in particular, violence and drug-trafficking—continues to have a
negative impact on democracy in Latin America.
The unprecedented rise of movements for democratic change across the Arab world a year ago led many
to expect a new wave of democratisation. But it soon became apparent that the revolutions in Tunisia
and Egypt would not be repeated so easily elsewhere and that democracy remained a highly uncertain
prospect. Many MENA autocracies resorted to a mix of repression and cosmetic changes.
ErosionofdemocracyinEurope
Global backsliding in democracy has been evident for some time and strengthened in the wake of the
2008-09 global economic crisis. Between 2006 and 2008 there was stagnation; between 2008 and
2010 there was regression across the world. In 2011 the decline was concentrated in Europe.
Seven countries in western Europe had a decline in their democracy score in 2011; none had
an increase. The main reason has been the erosion of sovereignty and democratic accountability
associated with the effects of and responses to the euro zone crisis (five of the countries that
experienced a decline in their scores are members of the euro zone--Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and
Ireland). Most dramatically, in two countries (Greece and Italy) democratically elected leaders have
been replaced by technocrats. The near-term political outlook for Europe is disturbing. The European
project is under serious threat and disputes within the EU are ever sharper. Harsh austerity, a new
recession in 2012, high unemployment and little sign of renewed growth will test the resilience of
Europe’s political institutions.
Longer-termtrends
The global record in democratisation since the start of its so-called third wave in 1974, and
acceleration after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, has been impressive. There has been a decline
Table 1
Democracy index, 2011, by regime type
No. of countries
% of countries
% of world population
Fulldemocracies
25
15.0
11.3
Flaweddemocracies
53
31.7
37.1
Hybridregimes
37
22.2
14.0
Authoritarianregimes
52
31.1
37.6
Note.“World”populationreferstothetotalpopulationofthe167countriescoveredbytheindex.Sincethisexcludes
onlymicrostates,thisisnearlyequaltotheentireactualestimatedworldpopulation.
Source: EconomistIntelligenceUnit.
in democracy across the world in recent years. The decades-long global trend in democratisation has
come to a halt in what Larry Diamond (2008) called a “democratic recession”.
The dominant pattern globally over the past five years has been backsliding on previously attained
progress in democratisation. The global financial crisis that started in 2008 accentuated some existing
negative trends in political development.
A political malaise in east-central Europe has led to disappointment and questioning of the strength
of the region’s democratic transition. Media freedoms have been eroded across Latin America and
populist forces with dubious democratic credentials have come to the fore in a few countries in the
region. In the developed West, a precipitous decline in political participation, weaknesses in the
functioning of government and security-related curbs on civil liberties are having a corrosive effect on
some long-established democracies.
Although almost one-half of the world’s countries can be considered to be democracies, in our
index the number of “full democracies” is low, at only 25 countries; 53 countries are rated as “flawed
democracies”. Of the remaining 89 countries in our index, 52 are authoritarian and 37 are considered
to be “hybrid regimes”. As could be expected, the developed OECD countries dominate among full
democracies, although there are two Latin American countries, one east European country and one
African country, which suggests that the level of development is not a binding constraint. Only two
Asian countries are represented: Japan and South Korea.
Almost one-half of the world’s population lives in a democracy of some sort, although only 11%
reside in full democracies. Some 2.6bn people, more than one-third of the world’s population, still
lives under authoritarian rule (with a large share being, of course, in
in democracy across the world in recent years. The decades-long global trend in democratisation has
come to a halt in what Larry Diamond (2008) called a “democratic recession”.
The dominant pattern globally over the past five years has been backsliding on previously attained
progress in democratisation. The global financial crisis that started in 2008 accentuated some existing
negative trends in political development.
A political malaise in east-central Europe has led to disappointment and questioning of the strength
of the region’s democratic transition. Media freedoms have been eroded across Latin America and
populist forces with dubious democratic credentials have come to the fore in a few countries in the
region. In the developed West, a precipitous decline in political participation, weaknesses in the
functioning of government and security-related curbs on civil liberties are having a corrosive effect on
some long-established democracies.
Although almost one-half of the world’s countries can be considered to be democracies, in our
index the number of “full democracies” is low, at only 25 countries; 53 countries are rated as “flawed
democracies”. Of the remaining 89 countries in our index, 52 are authoritarian and 37 are considered
to be “hybrid regimes”. As could be expected, the developed OECD countries dominate among full
democracies, although there are two Latin American countries, one east European country and one
African country, which suggests that the level of development is not a binding constraint. Only two
Asian countries are represented: Japan and South Korea.
Almost one-half of the world’s population lives in a democracy of some sort, although only 11%
reside in full democracies. Some 2.6bn people, more than one-third of the world’s population, still
lives under authoritarian rule (with a large share being, of course, in China).
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